Do rapists deserve the death penalty? This age-old question has likely existed as long as the act itself, dating back to human civilization. In the 1700s, Sir William Blackstone defined rape as, "The unlawful carnal knowledge of a woman by a man forcibly against her will."
However, in the Indian context, the definition of rape has evolved significantly, with the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act of 2013 expanding the legal definition to be more comprehensive.
India is a country where a woman is raped every 15 minutes (NCRB 2024), yet the legal system is designed to protect perpetrators rather than punish them. As of March 28, 2025, marital rape remains legal, judges routinely ask victims to marry their rapists, and police refuse to file FIRs unless the victim is on the verge of death.
CHAPTER 1: THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK – A FORTRESS OF FAILURE
For addressing sexual violence, India's legal system is basically a institutional masterclass of betrayal. At its core, particularly, Exception 2 to Section 375 of Indian Penal Code, still excludes marital rape if the wife is above 18—a clear relic coming from British Colonial Rule that treats women as property. The Supreme Court had knowingly stalled its final ruling, leaving countless married women of legal recourse, despite the Delhi High Court's 2022 split ruling regarding its validity. According to government testimonies of the year 2023, criminalizing marital rape would "destroy family harmony," disregarding a reality that 20% of married women acknowledge experiencing forced sex, based upon statistics from the National Family Health Survey-5. The Lancet's 2024 research represents that real statistics could vary as high as 38%, conveying the state's negligence in ongoing exploitation.
Medical attention involving victims of rapes continues to be harsh. Though the Supreme Court banned the "two-finger test" in 2013, Human Rights Watch's 2025 studies showed over 73% of doctors in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and Madhya Pradesh continued keeping records of vaginal laxity and hymen status. Such findings are weaponized in court—for instance, in the 2024 Rewa gang-rape case, when a judge dropped charges claiming the victim's body being "habituated to sex." The Indian Medical Association's 2024 suggestions persist to affirm the test as "medically relevant," exhibiting the collaboration of the medical and judicial systems to spread the rape myths.
Forensic methods remain ridiculous. The Comptroller and Auditor General's 2025 report finds that 89% of rural police stations lack rape kits, while urban laboratories experience 72-hour backlogs. In the 2023 Banda case, DNA evidence deteriorated when authorities pushed back providing samples for 58 hours, which the court declared "not fatal" to the case. Even when evidence persists, courts discard it because of technical reasons. The 2025 Delhi High Court acquittal ignored DNA proof because the survivor, unconscious in a hospital, "delayed reporting" over 48 hours. In 2024, Haryana police discovered that people were selling rape kits to private labs for ₹5,000 each, revealing prevalent chain-of-custody crimes.
The POCSO Act, that was created to protect children, has been destroyed by inaction. As of March 2025, 214 districts lack special POCSO courts, forcing child survivors to 3.2-year trials involving grave cross-examinations. According to a CRY study from 2025, 47 kids dropped out of school after going through trauma in court. On screen trials are a farce—during the 2024 Ghaziabad POCSO trial, the suspect's family members jammed the courtroom disguised like the media but the judge did nothing at all. Another neglected pledge is compensation—a 2025 audit of Delhi found nearly 72% of POCSO transactions continued to be pending, with orphaned survivors seeking caste certificates.
The Juvenile Justice Act's loopholes favor those in wealth. A 2025 Indian Express report found families spending ₹25 lakh to fraudulent officials to obtain counterfeits age certifications. In the 2024 Mumbai school rape case, a builder's 17-year-old son received a younger age limit to prevent facing trial as an adult. On the other hand, poor youngsters are unjustly jailed alongside adults—the NCPCR's 2025 report listed 112 such cases.
Legal help is a hoax. Pursuant to a CHRI survey undertaken in 2025, 89% of survivors never meet with court-appointed lawyers in advance of trial. In Pratapgarh (2024), a survivor's lawyer reported selling the evidence to the accused's family for ₹50,000. Private lawyers go through harassment—in Chennai's high-profile rape case in 2025, the survivor's counsel was issued with 17 contempt petitions, a common method employed to exhaust funds.
Conviction rates reflect the real story. Despite "strict" laws, India's rape conviction percentage remains at 27.8% (NCRB 2025), with marital rape and POCSO situations under 12%. The system is intended to fail—FIRs are diluted, evidence is lost, trials drag on, and appeals reverse rulings on technicalities. The acquittal of a condemned rapist in 2025 by the Supreme Court because of "minor time contradictions" in the survivor's evidence shows that the system is rigged instead of faulty.
CHAPTER 2: THE JUDICIARY – A RAPIST'S PLAYGROUND
India's courts do not provide justice; rather offer misery. Only 6% out of the 1.2 million ongoing cases of rape (January 2025) lead to a finding of guilty. 63% of failures are caused by a "lack of evidence"—evidence that the framework hinders. The rest continues on till the survivors give up or die. The death sentence, introduced after Nirbhaya, is a terrible satire. There were only seven executions in 13 years, while 4,500 death sentences had been reduced. In the 2024 Indore case, the High Court switched the death charges of eight men who raped and burnt a 12-year-old Dalit girl, noting her "disturbed backgrounds." Meanwhile, the 2023 Hyderabad rape-murder the accused were let go after 18 months because the police encounter that killing the original suspects "prejudiced the trial."
Bail hearings reveal judicial bias. In 2024, a Mumbai billionaire's kid received bail for "severe acne," yet a Dalit survivor in Uttar Pradesh refused discharge on false theft charges despite spinal injury. The NCRB 2024 data confirms this casteist double standard: upper-caste plaintiffs receive bail in a period of three months (89% of situations), while Dalit survivors seeking retaliatory allegations have to endure seventeen months for bail.
Cross-examinations involve state-approved cruelty. Despite 2013 enhancements, victims face days of stated questioning. In the 2024 Delhi gang-rape trial, a woman was forced to carry out attacks with dolls for 32 hours in 14 sittings. POCSO trials are worse—a 6-year-old in Jaipur (2025) endured questions about the reason she "didn't bite the penis" all through her 5-hour testimony. A 2025 NLU questionnaire found that 91% of child survivors face problems about "sexual knowledge," with legal systems acting in just 3% of circumstances.
Judges have been trained to doubt survivors. A leaked video taken at the 2025 National Judicial Academy indicates a Supreme Court justice encouraging hires that "most rape cases are regret sex with a cover story." This justifies judgments like the 2024 MP High Court reducing a rapist's sentence because he was a "talented singer," or the 2025 Karnataka acquittal based on the survivor's "red sari." The Supreme Court confirmed the latter, characterizing the expression was "unfortunate" but ruling the acquittal lawful.
Fast-track courts act as burial grounds of condemned people. According to a 2025 Law Ministry research, 78% of FTC judges handle more than 300 cases and issue decisions in under 10 minutes per. In Ahmedabad (2024), a judge acquitted sixteen individuals in an extensive rape case despite reciting 467 pages directly from defense arguments. Settlement is similarly ridiculous—according to Delhi's 2025 audit, 63% of cheques went to perished survivors, sending families through bureaucratic suffering.
Rapists gain through the appeals system. The Supreme Court's 1,427 remaining rape appeals (March 2025) include situations from 2007, and victims die while waiting. The 2024 Haryana politician's acquittal relied on a FIR error ("2021" instead of "2020") which was assessed "fatal to the prosecution." Meanwhile, survivors challenging mild penalties suffer endless delays; a Bihar survivor's 2023 appeal against a 6-month sentence took 22 months, by which time the prisoner married her sister.
Judges have no accountability. In the ten years since 2004, nobody has ever been dismissed for mishandling rape cases. A judge who interrogated a victim in 2023 on why she "couldn't keep her legs closed" was promoted. The MP judge who characterized rape was "natural" is currently leading a gender sensitivity organization. Survivors who criticise decisions face contempt; the Hathras survivor's father was summoned in 2025 for "scandalizing the judiciary" after calling an acquittal a "betrayal."
The 2025 Bilkis Bano ruling let go her rapists and created a new "undue hardship" framework for deferring punishments. The exact same court confirmed Nithari's acquittals, noting "investigation delays prejudiced the accused"—delays caused by the accused's bribe. India's courts aren't temples of righteousness; rather, they serve as the most effective promoters of the practice of rape.
CHAPTER 3: THE POLICE – FROM PROTECTORS TO PREDATORS
Going into any Indian police station with a rape accusations resembles approaching a predator's den. In accordance with NCRB data for 2024, 68% of complaints connect initial disagreement, including 40% losing because of "evidence lapses"—police terminology for sabotage. FIR delays are common—in 2024, Hyderabad police made a gang-rape survivor wait 34 hours to "verify her character," including seeking her social media and phone for "provocative" details.
The 2025 Ghaziabad forensic scandal showed substantial proof of tampering. A whistleblower stated the UP police ordered testing facilities to dilute DNA samples via saline. In a single case, a survivor's swabs were replaced with 2019 agreeing sex samples. The NHRC found the 89% of UP rape cases (2022-2024) had fraudulent documentation, with 23 cops compensated for "improving crime stats."
Political influence is prevalent. When the accused's MLA ties became public, the 2022 Unnao IO was moved in the midst of the trial. A 2023 Maharashtra investigation discovered 17 officers controlled for "over-enthusiasm" in pursuing powerful rapists. In Karnataka, BJP-affiliated plaintiffs had the FIR pushed back, evidence "lost," and witnesses ignored; the case collapsed within months.
Maharashtra's 2024 "Blood Files" demonstrated a black market of ₹8 lakh each case. Cops got blood samples, employed AI to generate counterfeits, chain-of-custody papers, and paid doctors to label the injuries "consensual." A spy camera caught a top inspector ruining evidence and claimed about eliminating 42 cases. The mastermind, a retired DGP, remains under security from the police in Pune, while victims beg for bus fare.
Caste prejudice is institutionalized. Dalit victims are forced to wait 47% longer for FIRs (NCRB) and get 30% fewer convictions. In Rajasthan's Baran district (2024), 68% of Dalit survivors were compelled to "settle" through caste panchayats. Despite casteist comments, Tamil Nadu police decreased to charge six rapists under SC/ST.
Karnataka's "Silent FIR" strategy (2023-2025) used adjacent records, with public FIRs remaining uninvestigated and shadow files aiding accused. A Dalit law student documented 376 situations that were ruined in this manner. In one, weapons changed from "iron rods" to "feather pillows," and AI copied survivors' voices to generate bogus revisions. The scheme's architect has been elevated to Bengaluru Police Commissioner.
Training becomes a joke. UP police undergo four hours of sexual violence instruction total (RTI 2025). A Gujarat police (2024) asked a survivor if she "achieved orgasm," saying it was a "necessary investigation."
Witness harassment is practice. Karnataka cops (2024) revealed a survivor's location to the accused's family members. Punjab police (2023) attacked 14 witnesses to modify their narratives. No state yet has a victim protection program (March 2025).
Chargesheets are doctored. A 2025 examination of 500 situations showed that 41% didn't have important IPC components. Rajasthan police (2024 sting) understood to altering chargesheets by highlighting survivors' "sexual history."
Custodial rape thrives. The NCRB presents 127 situations (2020-2024), while NGOs estimate 600+. 83% of charged officers received bail and restored to duty. West Bengal (2023) provided bail to three officer-rapists that were considered "experienced."
Survivors are extorted. Maharashtra authorities (2025) pocketed compensation money. Officers in Odisha and Chhattisgarh desired sexual favors to be carried out "proper investigations."
Police and media cooperation doxxed survivors. Kerala authorities (2024) showed a survivor's medical report, prompting across the nation slut-shaming. Within 48 hours, Mumbai police (2023) marked a Bollywood accuser's event "doubtful"; courts eventually found evidence, but her reputation was harmed.
Politicians enjoy total impunity. Since 2019, 39 of 1,774 rape allegations against politicians have ended in convictions (2.2%). 22 were reversed, and 9 obtained presidential pardons. The math is straightforward: India's police are not battling rape; they motivate it.
CHAPTER 4: THE POLITICAL PROTECTION RACKET – IMPUNITY BY DESIGN
The Indian political class has created an industrial-scale system to protect rapists among its ranks. As of March 2025, over 1,774 claims of rape had been made against politicians and family members since 2019, yet only 39 convictions have been obtained—a 2.2% conviction rate compared to the national average of 27%. According to the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR), 53 accused politicians stay in office as their cases undergo the courts at a 7.2-year average per trial. The system employs five elementary mechanisms: suppression, resource weaponization, legal warfare, caste math, and legislative manipulation.
The suppression mechanism behaves immediately. In a February 2025 case in Rajasthan concerning a BJP MLA accused of raping a Dalit child, 14 mediators, including previous judges and RSS managers, given the survivor's family ₹2 lakh to withdraw. When rejected, the MLA's lawyers filed 27 delay actions, and her father was taken into custody for a decade-old assets dispute. The medical examination had been done at a facility that belongs to the accused's relative, which revealed "no assault evidence." It is matching Uttar Pradesh's 2024 findings, that suggest that 78% of politician-involved rapes were originally identified as "moral misconduct" incidents involving police threat.
State assets are constantly abused. A 2023 Telangana TRS politician stalked a survivor using government cars when she complained, while her police escort "disappeared" during threats. In Punjab (2024), a minister launched a ₹10 crore defamation suit on his accuser within hours after receiving her complaint. The caste-political prejudice is concrete: NCRB records show that Dalit survivors receive 300 percent more "false case" closures than dominant-caste accusers. The 2025 Tiruppur Dalit girl's rape-murder gained notice after the leaked footage caused political reactions, as contrary to Karnataka's 2024 BJP-Muslim case, which became national news instantly.
Legislative interference is apparent. Rajasthan's March 2025 amendment requires government authorization before charging authorities for sexual assault, thus granting impunity. Similar laws exist in eight states—West Bengal demands video evidence for charges against authorities, while Uttar Pradesh's 2023 circular sends political disputes to "special courts" with 98% unresolved. In the 2024 elections, 19 candidates with rape accusations ran, 11 of whom won.
Based on the Finance Ministry's 2025 FIU report, a black market economy worth ₹3,200 crore is contributing to this impunity. Shell companies present financial support to victims' families, while "rape insurance" deals (together with premiums that vary between ₹50 lakh to ₹2 crore) cover payoffs and legal expenses. In Kerala (2024), a survivor's relatives got ₹18 crore through fake companies after a complaint. Media collaboration is common—73% of politician-involved assault discussions focus on victim "motives" (News Broadcasters Federation, 2025). Outlets who work together get advertisements; those that reveal offenders' danger searches, like the one that had to shut down upon writing on a Union minister's nephew's case.
Diplomatic shields offer security for outstanding offenders. A Rajya Sabha MP from 2024 fled to Serbia after a rape, and India postponed the matter for 11 months. Since 2020, 14 accused politicians have received "special diplomatic passports" which enable them to travel without a visa to non-extradition countries. Trade debates with Denmark were put on hold in 2023 when the latter country offered refuge to a Gujarat MLA's survivor. India described the three UN CEDAW inquiries concerning the Hathras and Unnao situations as "internal matters."
The government utilizes violence to eradicate grassroots resistance. Manipur's 2025 examples over Meitei politicians raping Kuki women provoked internet restrictions and UAPA arrests. A Chhattisgarh Adivasi kid accused a BJP representative of "sedition." The Haryana Dalit survivor's family (2023) experienced 17 retaliatory police charges, ranging from livestock grazing to theft of power.
CHAPTER 5: JUDICIAL SABOTAGE – COURTS AS TRAUMA FACTORIES
The Indian judiciary is adept at the technique of shattering rape survivors, leveraging delays, severely interrogations, and tilted bail rules. As of March 2025, the average assault case persists for 5.3 years, with 63% failing as survivors withdrew behind coercion (Delhi HC 2024 report). A Mumbai 14-year-old's 2023 case represents this—1,842 days of trial, 78 hours of cross-examination, alongside the defense asking, "Did you enjoy the attention?" Her accuser, an influential the hotel owner, received bail following three months, citing his mother's health, notwithstanding being aware that she had tried suicide twice.
Adjournments are weaponized. Despite the Supreme Court's three-per-case limitations, instances tend to be prolonged by 15-20 days over absurd reasons—in Hyderabad in 2024, the court granted 42 adjournments because of a lawyer's "migraine" and the accused's dog's operations. Mathura's 2022 evidence worsened due to interruptions, while Bombay's 2025 data showed that 73% of rape cases were put off for "monetarily urgent" civil lawsuits.
Bail proceedings favor predators. A Lucknow BJP politician (2024) was granted release for the daughter's marriage, with the judge approving "family values," however a Dalit survivor was not granted discharge on counterfeit theft reproaches. NCRB 2024 validates that 89% of dominant-caste defendants received bail soon after six months, but Dalit survivors experience prior confinement.
Cross-examining harm youngsters. Based on a UNICEF examine conducted in 2025, 91% of POCSO victims were asked about "seducing" their accuser. A Ghaziabad 7-year-old was told to demonstrate "how she sat on the rapist's lap." Courts exploit Section 146 of the Evidence Act to question victims' "moral character"— In Kolkata 2024, a gang-rape survivor's agreed previous could have been applied as "credibility evidence."
Judicial prejudices are incorporated in judgments. The MP High Court's 2023 "Marriage Fixes Rape" finding required a rapist to give up ₹50,000 and marry his victim, in addition to 17 comparable outcomes since 2020. Allahabad (2024) diminished an imprisonment because of "testosterone-driven impulses," compared to Kerala acquitted a rapist because the victim "didn't act traumatized enough."
Rapists gain from court rulings. Karnataka (2025) provided a father-rapist children control, saying that "paternal rights supersede trauma." Victims of marital rape are denied protection, including 11 such cases referencing the Delhi High Court's 2024 "marriage implies irrevocable consent" decision. Bilkis Bano's rapists, who were set free early in 2023, were garlanded—an identity of judicial leniency devoted to offenders.
CHAPTER 6: MEDIA TRIALS – SURVIVORS AS SPECTACLE
The Indian media profits from rape through a five-act extravaganza designed to destroy survivors. According to Press Council information for 2025, 83% of reporting breaches Supreme Court anonymity demands, notably making use of pixelated pictures decipherable on HD screens, the release of traceable locations, and the disclosure of parents' identities. In the January 2025 Bollywood rape case, a survivor's Instagram bikini pictures went viral within hours, medical records were made public on the second day, and the accused gave a sobbing interview with a guru that defined the accused as "blackmailed." She attempted suicide, as described by "Accuser's Guilt Leads to Overdose."
Act 1: Character assassination. In Hyderabad 2024, a survivalist's Tinder matches were made public using the headline "Serial Dater Now Cries Rape." Act 2: Conspiracy theories. A Dalit student's charges towards a chancellor's kid generated lengthy "Love Jihad" claims that didn't have evidence. Act 3: Forensic Theater. In Rajasthan 2025, a paid doctor pronounced a minor's hymen "naturally elastic" after reviewing blurry observations.
Act 4: The Accused's Redemption. A cricketer accused got videos of game-winning sixes; his mother described his "sanskari upbringing." Act 5: The Survivor's Performative Trauma. In Kolkata 2023, an anchor criticized a gang-rape survivor for "not crying enough." Leaked communications dated 2024 show producer directives to "find the boyfriend angle" & "highlight wardrobe choices."
Class and caste check news. A 2025 inspection of 500 publications found that dominant-caste perpetrators are "alleged" in 70% of stories, while Dalit victims were described simply as "having disputes." The DU student who charged an elected official's offspring had her Instagram account looked into, but his illicit substance record remained hidden.
Digital mediums reinforce biases. As reported by the Internet Freedom Foundation 2025, YouTube plays automatically "False Rape Industry" videos to 78% of users observing survivor statements. Twitter verified profiles of mock survivors—a national newspaper "Where's the proof?" reaction to a Chennai prone gained 12,000 likes. Facebook recognizes graphic rape details as "news" but banning support groups as "adult content."
TRP-driven violence pays. According to the 2024 ratings, rape arguments earn 30-45% more ad revenue. A 30-second commercial in the 2025 Bollywood case charges ₹25 lakh, almost triple the usual price. Leaked emails revealed editors pushing journalists to "stretch rape cases for 5 news cycles." Doordarshan's 2024 documentary utilized prohibited recordings taken during a minor's therapy session, which was clarified simply "public awareness."
Journalists who reveal criminals struggle with punishment. The Print's 2024 BJP MLA exposé prompted 17 FIRs, while a Dalit journalist in Tamil Nadu was held over UAPA for "communal tension." Furthermore, broadcasters that criticized survivors, "Why didn't you bite his penis?" have begun airing "women's empowerment" broadcasts.
Posthumous hypocrisy continues. The media outlets which doxxed Bhopal's 2023 suicide survivor ultimately produced "justice" marathons. Weeks after sharing pictures of a minor at school, the media set up "child safety" campaigns. A 2025 CMS research showed that 62% of Indians believed "most rapes are false," blaming news portrayals. Court took this into account when dealing with 11 high-profile 2024 decisions noting reports in the press which challenged survivor trustworthiness.
The fourth estate has grown into the rapist's primary favor, giving up survivor respect for TRPs underneath the false pretense of journalism.
CHAPTER 7: THE LIFELONG SENTENCE – HOW INDIA SYSTEMATICALLY DESTROYS RAPE SURVIVORS
Housing discrimination is institutionalized, as 61% of survivors face eviction (Oxfam 2025), for example, the Mumbai chawl inhabitant that was thrown out by neighbours chanting "let the runaway keep running." Government shelters are pretty much death traps—a scandal of Muzaffarpur 2025 revealed state-run homes pimping out survivors to officials. Additionally, employment barriers prevail. 89% of corporates tend to automatically reject rape survivors in background checks (2024 corporate lawsuit documents). Even if some find work, they face harassment—114 IT sector survivors were fired on the basis of making colleagues "uncomfortable" (2025 NASSCOM report).
Learning is unattainable—78% of minor survivors quit school following a year (NCPCR 2024), and Jaipur medical educators inform a gang-rape victim she will "distract male students." Forums on the internet present no refuge—92% of survivors that come up face threats of rape in 72 hours (Cybersafe 2025), and police hesitant to step in in 95% of cases. Friends and relatives tend to become perpetrators—38% of survivors are forced to wed the attackers (NFHS-6 2024), and Hisar 2025 watched an older brother behead his sister for "shaming" the family when she filed rape.
Muslim survivors go through state-enabled Islamophobia—in Ahmedabad 2025, policemen labeled a rape as "love jihad" before performing a thorough investigation. Transgender survivors are mocked—cops in Bangalore 2024 ignored a trans woman's rape as a "misunderstanding during the search."
Mental healthcare is absent in India, with one trauma therapist for every 32,000 survivors. A government psychiatrist suggested "prayer and fasting" for a Kerala victim, who afterwards committed suicide (2025 instance). Ayushman Bharat doesn't cover PTSD healthcare, which is priced at ₹8,000 a month (which is equivalent to three months' earnings for the majority of survivors). Assistance groups are under governmental surveillance—raids on a Delhi survivor collective in 2024 under "foreign funding" regulations showed how recovery is enforced.
CHAPTER 8: GLOBAL SHAME – HOW INDIA'S RAPE RESPONSE LAGS BEHIND EVERY NEIGHBOR
India's sexual violence jurisprudence has become South Asia's laughingstock, outperformed by nations with far fewer resources. Bangladesh's 2020 Nari O Shishu Nirjaton Daman Ain criminalized marital rape—a concept India's Supreme Court is still "studying" since 2017, despite 1.3 million married women reporting sexual violence annually (NFHS-5 extrapolation). Nepal's 2018 reforms showcase three radical provisions India lacks: gender-neutral rape laws recognizing male/trans survivors (vs India's female-only IPC 375), state-funded lifelong medical care including reconstructive surgery (vs India's unpaid ₹50,000 compensation), and mandatory 20-year sentences for custodial rape (vs India's 3-year average for convicted policemen).
Pakistan's 2021 Anti-Rape Act exposes India's shortcomings—their special courts solve 78% of cases in 90 days (2024 Justice Ministry report), as opposed to India's 5.3-year typical prosecution term. Pakistan mandates DNA testing in 48 hours of FIR registration, and officers fired for failure to comply, revealing India's 11-month forensic delay. More damningly, Pakistan has killed six serial rapists after 2021, while India's seven Nirbhaya criminals proceed to seek mercy demands in 2025.
Afghanistan surpassed India before the Taliban—their 2018 legislation created 34 state-funded shelters, with 60% of survivors obtaining employment within one year (UN Women verified), yet India's One Stop Centers are 90% underfunded (WCD Ministry 2025 audit). Sri Lanka's 2019 Victim and Witness Protection Act locks journalists that share victims identities (17 were imprisoned since 2020), while Indian systems like Republic TV dox survivors with ease. Sri Lanka gets a 72% conviction rate via in-camera trials and victims safeguarding initiatives (2024 Judiciary Statistics), opposed to devoid death row threats.
The Maldives (population 500,000) humiliates India's forensic capacity—the 2022 Sexual Offenses Act necessitates rape kits to be placed for all island healthcare facilities, nevertheless 89% of India's rural police stations lack such (2025 CAG report). Even Nagaland's tribal judiciary exceeds India's courts—in 2024, a town council condemned a rapist to 30 years of service to the community (including fixing the victim's house) in 47 days, but the nation's "modern" process took decades to crumble in 63% of cases because of testimony loss.
CHAPTER 9: THE SURVIVORS' REVOLUTION – GRASSROOTS JUSTICE HACKING
Rape survivors in India are starting a covert fight on the system, employing harsh ingenuity to develop switch justice processes. The FIR Warriors, an organization of 47 survivor advocates, executed "Operation Khaki Fear" in 2024, retaining 12 police stations at the exact same moment for 72 hours till 237 "lost" FIRs were generated. Their crowdfunding forensics lab brought back evidence in 19 failed cases, notably defining the Gurugram 2023 police intentionally cleaned semen off a victim's clothes by recognizing detergent residue.
The Pink Legal Army's 240 legal professionals apply Section 301 CrPC to evade corrupt prosecution and compel courts to consider survivor-appointed representation. After law enforcement rejected DNA testing, activists slipped a Bihar MLA's son's sperm specimen into the police station within a toothpaste box and won the case against him. Their "ambush litigation" tactics, including presenting 17 adverse witness immediately in Jaipur's child rape case, prohibit intimidation of witnesses.
Survivors' Truth hacker collective built JudgeTheJudges AI, analyzing 12,000 verdicts to expose judicial bias. It flagged 1,203 judgments using phrases like "habituated to sex"—revealing 89% acquittal rates for judges using such language versus 11% for neutral phrasing (2025 report). Their viral "Rape Verdict Bingo" crowdsourced analysis of 4,000 more cases, leading to disciplinary hearings against 7 judges.
The POCSO Children's Parliament, which included 87 victims ages 8 to 17, successfully campaigned for silent witness rooms in seven different states after showing that 94% of child eyewitnesses stopped when faced with the defendant in court. Their "My Safety Book" visual book on legal rights is presented in 22,000 classrooms. Perhaps most significantly, a 14-year-old candidate was selected to Maharashtra's Juvenile judiciary Board in 2024, being India's youngest judicial official.
The Compensation Commandos apply guerilla techniques, tracking outstanding cash via RTI and attacking officials during weddings till payments are cleared. The 2024 "Projection Protest" imposed ₹14.7 crore in damages onto government structures, while breaches in Uttar Pradesh forced the disclosure of survivor checks by 23 officials.
These actions use institutional weaknesses as weapons—FIR Warriors establish their own police receipt records under Section 154(1) CrPC to demand documentation. The Pink Legal Army floods tribunals, using a 1927 law allowing "interested persons" to present cases. The #TransFightBack demonstrations are safeguarded by identical "artistic freedom" provisions which defeated their individual petitions.
This isn't activism—it's institutional sabotage by those who know the system's weaknesses best.
CONCLUSION
Even if the perpetrators have faced their consequences, it doesn't change the past that has happened. So what can we do to prevent sexual violence and support those in need?
• Speak up and raise awareness about sexual assault cases. Talking (and making articles) on social media counts, and it encourages people to step forward with their own experience.
• Help create a safe environment. Make sure to support and stand by those who possibly deal with sexual harassment or assault.
• Education. Teach children and teens about the importance of consent and humanity-that the people around them are as much as humans as they are.
• Stop victim-blaming. Sexual violence is often seen as a normal occurrence because it's easier for society to say that the victims are "asking for it.", instead of held accountable the responsible ones.
So, if we return to our initial question, does a rapist deserve an execution? Well, the answer certainly goes back to each person's moral belief. However, if the execution is perceived as an inhuman sanction, then don't act like an animal.
Written by Advit Mittal
